Lawmakers Learn Nothing from Figueres

Despite grilling from opposition lawmakers, as so often happens with congressional and parliamentary investigation committees throughout the world, they learned nothing new from ex-President Jose Figueres (1994-98).

Figueres sweat copiously and drank large quantities of water but shed no new light on the $900,000 he received for advising Alcatel on the granting of 400,000 new phone lines.

In fact, so uninformative was the session that La Nacion veteran political  reporter Vanessa Loaiza was forced to lead her story in Friday's edition by noting that Figueres's testimony came seven years, three months and 20 days after he had been first asked to appear before the Public Income and Spending Control Committee of the Legislative Assembly.

During that time, the French telecommunications company Alcatel-Lucen had been taken to U.S. Federal court and admitted having paid millions of dollar in bribes to public officials in Costa Rica and several other countries in return for cell phone contracts. (See previous articles.)

But Figueres, as he had before in interviews in Europe, maintained that his advisory status with Alcatel had been totally legal and above board. He denied having had direct contact with Alcatel and exerting his influence in the then-monopoly ICE's granting of $419 million in cell phone lines.

In early 2000, Alcatel distributed $2.7 million for counseling, divided equally among Figueres, Roberto Hidalgo (advisor and owner of HF Desarrollos Inderdisciplinarios -- Figureres's nominal employer) and former lawmaker Carmen Valverde.

Figueres freely admitted receiving th stipend, in 2004, after the ICE-Alcatel contract had been signed but denied being the "political godfather" of the deal as members of the opposition Citizen Action Party (PAC) charged.

"Due to the political scandal," Figueres fired back, "in October of 2004, two citizens filed a complaint against Roberto Hidalgo, Carmen Valverde and me. They demanded intervention in national and international bank accounts and an international order for my capture."

(Figueres at that time was living in Switzerland,) "What proof did they offer?" Figueres continued, "Newspaper clips and political gossip. The court prosecutors, obligated by law to pursue the matter ... checked out all clues in this country, North America and Europe."

"The truth is, they could find no proof of wrongdoing on my part. I'm not saying that as Jose Maria Figueres, that's what Chief Prosecutor Francisco Dall'Anese said," Figueres finished.

PAC deputies Manrique Oviedo, Victor Hernandez and Yolanda Acuña pressed hard, repeating the "political godfather" phrase, accusing the ex-President of influence peddling in favor of Alcatel receiving the contract. Against these attacks, Figueres simply repeated that evidence did not back up the charge.

When Victor Emilio Granados of the small PASE party asked Figueres if he had "put his foot in it" by advising Alcatel,  Figueres denied it but admitted "I'd prefer not to relive that experience again."

As is usual with such congressional investigative sessions, the questioning of Figueres turned into a circus from the moment officials opened the Sala de los Benemeritos conference room to the press --- TV and still cameramen actually exchanged blows to get a close shot of Figueres, surrounded by congressional security bodyguards.

The press corps shot through the doors like a cattle stampede. In fact, Figueres himself, sweating in his TV makeup and despite drinking five glasses of water, may have been the calmest one in the room.

After three hours of grilling even opposition lawmakers attention was wandering and questioning drifted off course to Figueres's political ambitions and modern trains. (No one mentioned that Figueres had pulled the plug on the nationalized railroad in 1995, if they, indeed, remembered.)

All in all, it might have been the end of one of those obligatory parties that journalists are forced to attend. Except that Ticos usually throw livelier parties ...